Puerto Rico’s bid for statehood seems like a long shot
By Scott Bomboy | National Constitution Center – 10 hrs ago Nov 8. 2012
Lost in Tuesday’s election night chaos was a decision in Puerto Rico to seek statehood in a nonbinding referendum. But the odds seem stacked against that happening.
800px-Puerto_Rico_06Puerto Rico becoming the 51st state would be a big constitutional development, which we profiled back in August.
It’s far from a done deal, but few people outside of the early part of
the Baby Boom generation have experienced the political drama in the
statehood process.
That’s because aside from the
tenuous decision in Puerto Rico to investigate statehood, the reality is
that a second state would need to be in the mix to get Congress bite. And the logistics of congressional compromise seem truly daunting.
Puerto Rico also would bring more potential Democratic votes into the Electoral College and Congress. The House of Representatives, which is controlled by the Republicans, would need to approve such a move.
However, even predicting how Puerto Rico’s electoral and congressional votes would go is a difficult process, at best.
Puerto Rico has the highest voter
turnout of any state or territory: voting is a rite of passage on the
island. And political polls there are notoriously tricky because the
electorate is so volatile.
There are three major political
parties in Puerto Rico, none of which align directly with the Democrats
and Republicans–they are aligned to statehood, independence, and
territory factions.
In Tuesday’s two-part referendum,
nearly 54 percent of voters agreed to change Puerto Rico’s status as a
territory, and statehood was preferred by 61 percent of voters if Puerto
Rico chose to change its territorial status. Independence was only
favored by 5 percent of the voters.
The next step would probably be
for Congress to agree to a joint resolution with the details of Puerto
Rico’s statehood requirements. In 1959, it was called the Admissions
Act.
If Congress were to pass the act, it would go back to Puerto Rico for a binding vote to accept it.
However, a look at a 2010 fact sheet from the office of Doc Hastings, the Republican chairman of the House’s Natural Resources Committee, shows the steep barriers Puerto Rican statehood faces in Congress.
Hastings projects that Puerto
Rico would add at least $7 billion annually to the federal budget as
social programs were extended to the new state, and that House
Republicans may ask Puerto Rico to adopt English as its official
language.
Unless Congress agrees to add the
six seats, they would need to be taken from other states. Hastings says
the votes would come from a pool of six states, four of which are
controlled by the Republicans.
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But in 2012, there doesn’t seem to be a potential Hawaii to add to the mix, or a way to create a new state from an existing one.
In Article IV, Section 3, Congress is given the power to decide what states and territories are, but state legislatures would have to approve any act that would combine two existing states or form a new state from parts of other states.
A long-shot compromise could come in the form of the 23rd Amendment, which was passed in 1961. That gave the District of Columbia three electoral votes, but no voting representation in Congress.
Would Puerto Rico get three votes in such an amendment, or at least eight electoral votes?
Adding a new constitutional amendment is even more difficult than adding a new state, so that seems unlikely.
A more likely option would be for the Democrats to agree to surrender four House seats through redistricting in New York and Washington, assuming they believe Puerto Rico’s two senators would be Democrats. That would be another tough sell in Congress.
Scott Bomboy is the editor-in-chief of the National Constitution Center.
http://news.yahoo.com/puerto-rico-bid-statehood-seems-long-shot-120656731.html
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